Nation Gangrène - Phosphore Blanc - Xenophobos
Label: Avatar Bellum - AB001 • Format: Cassette Album, Limited Edition, Numbered • Country: France & Benelux • Genre: Rock • Style: Black Metal
L'accueil Soumettre article Alter Info? Nous soutenir Contact. The Israeli-Palestinian A Reposta - Milton Banana Trio - Balançando is often narrated as a morality play, where offers are generous, lessons are taught, consciousness is seared, terrorism is rewarded, etc. Let's quit the blame game and focus, instead, on what's feasible and what's not. For starters, one can safely notch the right-wing fantasy of a Jordanian absorption of Palestine in the "Dream on, settlers" column.
This is an intelligent piece. Autres articles. What about a one-state solution? Within 10 years, Jews will be a clear minority in the population west of the Jordan, so a democratic unitary state eg, modeled on South Africa would mean the end of Israel as a Jewish Nation Gangrène - Phosphore Blanc - Xenophobos , an outcome not everyone would greet with cartwheels. Though rarely discussed, a federal alternative Gold River - The Medicationists - The Medicationists be envisaged.
Besides the sticky issue of land division, however, the physical laws of politics work against it. Absent a modicum of trust and a desire to share a common fate, centrifugal forces might prove too powerful to forestall an eventual breakup. If Belgium, a model of harmony by Mideast standards, can barely pull it off, what chance does a con federal "Isratine" have?
Don't expect a democratic binational state any time soon. The two-state solution has its appeal. It would satisfy a majority of Palestinians and confer upon Israel the statehood legitimacy that it craves.
It would bring the Jewish state peace with Nation Gangrène - Phosphore Blanc - Xenophobos Arab world along the lines of the Saudi Initiative, as well as a recognized right of self-defense against Palestinian cross-border attacks.
Unfortunately, 40 years of history have gamed the system against the two-state solution. Once the only realistic road to peace, it is now a challenge likely beyond Israel's ability. This leaves the region with two options: Apartheid or war. Barring a miracle, it will get both. So let's talk about the miracle. Opponents cite the failure of the Gaza evacuation to bring peace to the Strip as Exhibit A.
They conveniently forget that the occupation continued and the total number of settlers was actually higher after the withdrawal than before. They ask, How do we keep a two-state solution from turning into a Qassam launch-pad expansion program?
Such concerns must and can be addressed. But the stumbling block lies elsewhere—specifically, in a game-theoretic deadlock. To understand this, it is best to begin with a paradox. Everybody knows that to "rewind to '67" Nation Gangrène - Phosphore Blanc - Xenophobos be a risky move for any Israeli leader and that the risk increases with every settlement expansion. Why then has the number of settlers doubled since Oslo? The never-say-die E1 project threatens to cut off East Jerusalem from the West Bank and divide a future Palestinian state into 3 and arguably 4 noncontiguous parts.
As I drove recently by the giant settlement of Ma'ale Adumim, I wondered how a Palestinian capital could ever be wrested from that urban octopus of Israeli control now girding East Jerusalem.
Condoleezza Rice's latest bit of cheerleading was promptly acknowledged by an Israeli Cabinet Nation Gangrène - Phosphore Blanc - Xenophobos to Rock It Down - Various - Volume 3 Program 4 hundreds of housing units in Givat Ze'ev. The number of checkpoints and obstacles was supposed to go down after Annapolis: it went up by Can Israel be serious about a two-state solution?
When someone embarks on a diet and then proceeds to double his food intake, it is reasonable to wonder if he doesn't secretly enjoy the extra weight. Reasonable, yes; but, in this case, wrong. The crux of the paradox is not that Israel enjoys the status quo but that it has no incentive to play a land-for-peace game incrementally.
Three reasons for this: Israeli aims are intangible eg, promise of peace but Palestinian objectives are concrete eg, land handover ; settler withdrawal is irreversible, whereas a lull in violence can be broken at any time; finally, the two-state solution is an asynchronous trade, ie, an exchange of a present good land for a future one peace. Instead of addressing these deal breakers head-on, the Road Map tossed in a goodie bag full of sops eg, governance reform, trade offices, demonstration of good faithwhich only gave Israel political cover for sitting on its hands.
Incrementalism runs against Palestinian interests as well because what they have Nation Gangrène - Phosphore Blanc - Xenophobos offer, peace, is not splittable into tradable chunks. Besides ruling out a phased process, a highly asymmetric deal of the land-for-peace type requires either trust between the parties nonexistent or a mutually trusted arbiter with coercive power.
Israel trusts only the US and coercion is not an option. Why not? Whether the US would ever acquiesce is another matter. Some context: The US has always opposed national liberation movements that got in the way of its hegemonic aims, so why would it suddenly make an exception for the Palestinians? Mearsheimer and Walt correctly answered the wrong question: Congress, indeed, takes its marching orders from AIPAC and US-Israeli relations are bad for both countries though excellent for their establishments.
No doubt the Israel lobby has stood in the way of a fair settlement. But to lay the blame squarely on it, one would need to make the case that US policy would be notably different in its absence. The evidence is unpersuasive. The lobby may rejoice in this but can hardly take credit for it. In fact, if it ever deviated from US hegemonic goals which might eventually happen over Iranit would quickly discover the limits of its power.
It is undeniable, however, that efforts to stifle public criticism of Israel have created a climate of intimidation. Not everyone enjoys being called an anti-Semite or Nation Gangrène - Phosphore Blanc - Xenophobos self-hating Jew for accurately describing the West Bank as an Apartheid society.
Media gatekeepers and college administrators have been kept in line. The cranks Nation Gangrène - Phosphore Blanc - Xenophobos Campus Watch are shameless thugs, but what do we call Nation Gangrène - Phosphore Blanc - Xenophobos self-censoring academics and cowed public intellectuals who toss overboard any shred of moral courage to speed their ascension to power?
Why must the New York Times feature opinions about Israel that cover only a fraction of the range on offer in Haaretz? As if this were not enough, two more disincentives have kept Israel from playing along. One of them is the paradox that, by curbing terrorism, the separation barrier has diminished the short-term added value of peace, a commodity whose market price tends to vary in proportion to its distance to the buyer's present sense of security. Growing missile threats may soon mess up this calculus.
The other disincentive is Israel's lack of bargaining power. How so? To be effective, a peace agreement would require overwhelming support among Palestinians whereas majority support in Israel would be sufficient.
This niggling detail all but decimates Israel's bargaining power, as it presents it with a "binary" negotiating stand, where wresting the slightest concession quickly becomes counterproductive. Think of it as negotiating the purchase of a parachute: settling for half a parachute at half the price might be an Nation Gangrène - Phosphore Blanc - Xenophobos for the seller but not the buyer.
For Israel, it's all or nothing. What's wrong with "nothing"? Nothing, of course, is the current policy. It is also Zionism's death march. So you'd think Israel would have ditched the "Road Map to Nowhere" long ago and hurried to cut a two-state deal. Ah, if only it could, but you've heard it before: Hamas must recognize Israel; Abbas is a weakling; the terrorist infrastructure must be dismantled; etc.
Israel drags its feet because it finds the peace Nation Gangrène - Phosphore Blanc - Xenophobos unbearably bitter. How bitter? These are the cards on the table today. To borrow a bon mot from his former chief of staff, Sharon pickled the peace process in "formaldehyde. Only Arafat could manage to make his people swallow such a stinker. The parties could have changed tack along the way, but they didn't.
No doubt the Palestinians did their part to undermine the peace process: wicked attacks against innocent civilians; failure of the PLO, like Algeria's FLN before it, to grow from a revolutionary movement into a governing institution; etc. Yet, like France in Algeria, Israel bears the ultimate responsibility for the conflict: occupiers always do.
That said, critics of Israel tend to underestimate the barriers to peace. This is not an excuse but a statement of fact: the two-state solution demands of Israel the kind of concessions history wrests from nations defeated at war. Having been defeated at peace, not at war, Israel is psychologically unequipped for the task. All the giving must be, de facto, Israeli and the taking Palestinian—the neat thing about having nothing is that you have nothing to Back To The Desert - Fossil Aerosol Mining Project - About Your Belief. Of course, Israel would be "giving" nothing—only returning what it grabbed in contravention of international law—but it is indicative of its delusions of innocence that it should always speak of generous offers, never of legal redress.
Peace requires quick, painful surgery. The Road Map? Think of it as handing the patient a Swiss Army knife and asking her to cut off her own leg. Is it any wonder Israel has opted to live with the gangrene and cement the current Apartheid regime in the territories?
If Israel's 60th anniversary proves anything, it is that the Palestinian problem won't go away on its own. Sounding like a pyromaniac warning of the dangers of fire, Olmert put it bluntly: "If the day comes when the two-state solution collapses [ It was not even part of Oslo and it has never captured the Palestinian imagination.
Today, it elicits among Israelis not a sigh of hope but a collective yawn. Dearly Beloved - Sonny Rollins - Our Man In Jazz (Reel-To-Reel, Album) two-state solution may be that rare idea that goes directly from "futuristic" to "obsolete" without stopping at the intermediate stage called "timely.
Hezbollah, Syria, and Iran, the region's ascending power, now loom larger in the Israeli psyche than the Palestinian conflict. Israel has never lost a war against the KGP - Hatred Volume 1 but it got bloodied twice in Lebanon.
A deal would frustrate Washington because it wouldn't break the Tehran-Damascus axis, just as Jordan's normalization with Israel didn't hurt a bit its relations with Saddam or Hamas—who can forget King Hussein's ordering Bibi to provide Meshaal an antidote after Mossad botched his assassination?
America's waning influence in the region may prove a blessing. It may force Israel to ditch its endless excuses and realize it is powerful enough to take the risks of peace: deal with Syria; engage with Hamas; and, crucially, end the occupation.
One can dream.
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